| Author (Person) | Davies, Eric | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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| Publisher | ProQuest Information and Learning | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Series Title | In Focus | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Series Details | 13.4.04 | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Publication Date | 13/04/2004 | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Content Type | News, Overview, Topic Guide | In Focus | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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'People want to see a European constitution. There is a general wish for agreement and I hope that can be achieved. We must take it forward as best we can and do everything humanly possible.. These were the words of Bertie Ahern, Irish Taoiseach and President of the European Council, addressing the Irish Parliament on 6 April 2004. Mr. Ahern was updating the Dáil on progress with negotiations on the proposed Constitutional Treaty which, having apparently been derailed in December, when the European Council failed to reach agreement on a draft text, now seems to be very much back on track. The failure of December's talks was blamed largely on Spain and Poland, who held out for increased voting rights allocated to them under the Treaty of Nice. It was therefore particularly significant that Mr. Ahern has apparently made progress in talks both with Poland's Prime Minister Lesek Miller (who has announced that he will resign on 2 May) and - unofficially - with Spain's incoming Prime Minister, Jose Luis Rodriguez Zapatero. Although Mr Ahern warned the Dáil that there are still some 30 issues which remain to be agreed, it is clear that he is now far more optimistic than he was that a deal can be reached - and quite possibly under the Irish Presidency, which ends on 30 June. Background The Union's unexpected failure to adopt a Constitutional Treaty at the end of last year was seen variously as a significant setback to its plans for managing an enlarged membership, as a body-blow for the cause of European integration, and as evidence of how hard it will be for 25 Member States to reach agreement on contentious issues. More information about the Summit can be found in European Sources Online: In Focus Early assessments gave the Irish little chance of getting agreement on a new Treaty during their six-month term in charge of the Union. The gaps seemed too wide to bridge, with that over voting rights, which divided Spain and Poland on the one side from the remaining members on the other, being especially problematic. Many commentators thought that the succeeding Dutch Presidency would be better placed to contrive an agreement - having in part benefited from Ireland's negotiating efforts. The author of the draft Treaty, Valéry Giscard d'Estaing, was one of a number of high-profile figures who suggested that the negotiations be postponed, 'until the bitterness triggered by the Brussels summit fades away'. That has not, however, been Ireland's approach. Even though, as European Voice put it, 'in the beginning the Irish were very pragmatic about the constitutional talks, and did not want to burn their fingers with such a hot potato, unless the conditions were ripe for an accord, now it looks like they don't want to miss the opportunity to put their mark on such a debate' (see: Ireland's willingness to pursue negotiations was emphasised by Minister for Foreign Affairs, Brian Cowan, who told MEPs that 'it is in the Union's interests for agreement to be reached sooner rather than later. Stalemate and delay serve nobody. The issues to be resolved will not change over time (see: IGC - Presidency addresses European Parliament Constitutional Affairs Committee ...). Mr Cowan also indicated the priority the Irish would give to consulting all those concerned: 'We have to listen to what everyone has to say and, through active dialogue, tease out the exact nuances of their positions.' Although the Irish had been pursuing negotiations with both Spain and Poland, it was the Madrid bombings which gave a sudden and positive impetus to the process. Prime Minister-elect, Jose Luis Rodriguez Zapatero, quickly made it clear that his Government would adopt a much more communautaire approach to the negotiations. (Only two days before the terrorist attacks, Spain had rejected a further compromise from the Irish; see Financial Times: Mr Zapatero's willingness to seek an early resolution to the impasse persuaded Poland's Lesek Miller that his country faced isolation if it too did not take a more positive line. According to the Financial Times, the Prime Minister, 'said he did not want his country to be isolated after the new Socialist government in Spain signalled it would no longer fight alongside Poland in a battle over EU voting weights' (see: According to European Voice the proposals to change the double majority system were described by Giscard d'Estaing as a 'non-starter' (see: The Irish Presidency had been asked to present a report on progress to the Spring European Council, on 25-26 March. However, events in Madrid meant that the Summit was largely devoted to the issue of terrorism, with most of the original agenda items sidelined. The Presidency Conclusions made only a brief reference to the Intergovernmental Conference, saying that leaders 'reaffirmed [their] commitment to reaching agreement on the Constitutional Treaty, as a means of better equipping the Union to respond to the demands of its citizens and to play a more effective role in the world.. It was also confirmed that 'agreement on the Constitutional Treaty should be reached no later than the June [2004] European Council.' Ahead of the Summit, other Member States had also started to offer concessions and to adopt more conciliatory positions. The FT reported that 'Paris and Berlin have done their bit to bridge the gap with Spain and Poland. After toying with the damaging idea of creating an “avant-garde” of countries pushing ahead with European integration, they have recently adopted a softer diplomatic stance' (see: It was pointed out in European Voice that 'the belief that the present disagreements can be adequately addressed by coming up with compromises at the European level' is misconceived, because 'the main problems with the constitution are domestic' (see: The same article posed the question of how politicians 'who like to blame Brussels for many of their domestic problems' will be able to persuade their Parliaments - and in some cases their citizens - that Europe needs another Treaty. Some Member States will give their citizens the opportunity to vote on the Treaty: referenda will be held in Denmark, Ireland, Luxembourg, The Netherlands, Portugal and Spain. Other countries may yet be added to the list. The European Union's experience of referenda has not been particularly happy. The Danish 'no' to the Treaty on European Union caused widespread concern (and still influences the Union's communication policy), as did Ireland's rejection of the Treaty of Nice. Both results were later overturned - but holding one referendum after another until the 'right' result is achieved does not do a great deal for the Union's democratic credentials. (Sweden's 'no' to the euro still stands). Even though, as the Financial Times argued, the Constitution 'presents the EU as it is: a hybrid structure with some federal traits but anchored in the nation state - and not the “superstate” of eurosceptic myth' (see: Further information within European Sources Online European Sources Online: In Focus
European Sources Online: The Economist
European Sources Online: European Voice
European Sources Online: Financial Times
Further information can be seen in these external links: EU Institutions European Commission DG Press and Communication
Public Opinion Analysis Eurobarometer
Irish Presidency of the Council of the EU Media Organisations BBC News Online
Eric Davies Background and reporting on the week's main stories in the European Union and the wider Europe. |
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| Subject Categories | Politics and International Relations | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
