Slovaks forge a modern society while clinging to the past

Series Title
Series Details 06/06/96, Volume 2, Number 23
Publication Date 06/06/1996
Content Type

Date: 06/06/1996

By Robert Hajsel

FROM Bratislava Castle, the symbol of the Slovak state, you can see the seat of the United Nations in Vienna and the distant Alps.

In the days of the Iron Curtain, this exceptional view gave people hope and reminded them of Slovakia's membership of the great family of European nations.

The territory of Slovakia, located in the heart of Europe, and its destiny were dependent on those of the great empires - Roman, Byzantine, Franco, Ottoman and, more recently, Germany and Russia.

Our history, therefore, is that of a European country which has never been in the centre of events, but has participated in them.

Apart from a few short periods Slovakia's history has been subsumed, first within that of Hungary and later that of Czechoslovakia.

For almost three centuries, Bratislava functioned as the capital of the Kingdom of Hungary. After forced 'Magyarisation', Slovaks found a certain freedom in their common statehood with the Czechs, but Prague-style centralism prevented the emergence of a Slovak identity.

One must not forget that Slovaks, having voted for democratic parties after World War II, were forced, nonetheless, to submit to Communism. True independence came only after the 'velvet revolution'.

But who are they really today, these Slovaks, usually known to the West as Czechs or Czechoslovaks? Even Alexander Dubcek, the reformed Communist leader who wanted to give Socialism a human face, was known as a Czech.

Some say that Slovak is only a Czech dialect, but if that were true, how could it be that this dialect survived on Slovak territory for centuries preceding the creation of a Czechoslovak state?

How can you identify a Slovak abroad anyway? In a discussion, he is as mute as a fish, as if he were afraid to open his mouth. Perhaps this is because, during the days of Communism, Slovaks were required to be almost ashamed of speaking any foreign language.

But now the situation has changed and they rush to learn German, which is already widely-spoken and, even more frequently, English. This is not because everybody is keen to join the EU, but because young people want to seize the new opportunities provided by open borders.

Even six years after the collapse of Communism, we Slovaks talk about politics too much. It is difficult to go out for a beer in Slovakia without receiving a detailed description of government mistakes and corruption scandals. Even if you begin by talking about the national ice hockey team, you will still end up debating politics. And instead of telling you a nice local joke, every drunkard will tell you his scenario for the country's future political evolution.

Ordinary people see practically no improvement in their living standards, although the government takes pride in the best macroeconomic results of all the Union's associated countries.

They complain about their salaries, which are in fact still higher than elsewhere in the East, and forget that they often own a nice house in the country.

But if Slovaks are dissatisfied, they will not put an end to their lives as often as their Hungarian neighbours do. Slovaks are also unlike the Polish, who try to attack 'Fortress Europe' with garden gnomes.

Even if Slovaks do not want to return to the past, however, they remember clearly the Socialist system when almost everything was free. It is clear that the new political system which was established after the departure of the Soviet troops has guaranteed human rights, but not prosperity for everyone.

Thus, people have seen the emergence of extreme poverty. And walking around Bratislava, a city full of the most beautiful girls in the world, you will experience the conflicting extremes of blind individualism and Slovak hospitality, which now is more readily extended to foreigners than to Slovaks themselves.

The attitude of Slovaks towards their state is peculiar. For centuries, they fought for independence and yet, when the moment came, they were not sure whether they still wanted it. Today, some even regret the move to independence, which they see as the origin of their unhappiness.

They understand that the West did not really welcome the creation of a new state. They realise that their prime minister is not as popular abroad as his Czech or Hungarian counterparts.

Slovaks, who have finally been able freely to choose integration into western structures, are going to have to live with this puzzling situation for a long time.

But a number of negative signals as to their prospects for accession to the EU in the first wave will not deter them from building modern society. The game is worth it, even if the effort will not immediately be rewarded with membership of the Union.

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