The state of the Union – Long hauls, great expectations

"Today is the first day in their history that the people of Europe freely join together in such a vast enterprise to conquer progress and prosperity, by substituting economic rivalry and antagonism with an organisation founded on common interest," declared Joseph Bech, Luxembourg minister of foreign affairs, at the signing of the treaty establishing the European Economic Community (EEC) on 25 March 1957.

At a time when the European Union is undergoing a serious crisis, a look back at its past can be revealing. It reinforces the conclusion that the need for Europe remains as strong today as it was 50 years ago. It is as much present in internal European policies as it is in external European policy.

The 50th anniversary of the Treaty of Rome is an opportunity to bestow recognition on the central idea of the ECC, the common market - which with Jacques Delors, against a background of reinforced ambitions, we rechristened the single market. For many years, the single market was the focus of attention of the EU. It was the key and the engine of European integration.

But we no longer talk of the single market. It is a job considered done. Worse still, when it comes under fire, we search in vain for someone to defend it. We look blithely on while the basic principles that founded it fly out the window. Of course we must ensure a circumspect application of the principle of the country of origin. But the scant attention that is being paid to its fundamental questioning is of concern. As Delors predicted in 1985, Europeans have not fallen in love with the single market. This lack of affection, however, has the perverse effect that we no longer dare to make perfect what remains imperfect. This occurs at a time when those who feel ill at ease with globalisation attack the rules of the single market. The result is that the single market, rather than being embraced by Europeans, is resented as a threat.

These accusations do injustice to the single market and it is time we restored its standing. We need first of all to re-explain it, then perfect it, demystify it and organise its future.

The single market is the instrument that releases the energy of European economies, giving them legs and wings. It allows them to assume a global dimension. The internal market is the key to our competitiveness. If we do not succeed in permanently establishing economic prosperity and wellbeing in Europe, the people of Europe will turn away from the European construction.

We must therefore perfect this great European project. I am thinking in particular of services, the financial markets and the energy sector. We must once and for all release European social policy from its embryonic state and endow our Union with a solid base of minimum social rights, the same throughout Europe, which will protect the rights of workers. Workers too often have the impression that the European construction is taking place without their input and without the noble elements of European societies having a say in the matter.

Finally, we need to demystify the single market. Too often, the prevailing impression is that the market is an obscure force at work, engulfing people and processes. Nothing could be further from the truth. The single market is the result of political decisions, taken jointly by the Council of Ministers and the European Parliament, both subject to the rules of universal suffrage. It should therefore be possible to find common ground between the interests of workers, businesses, consumers and the environment.

The single market bears no resemblance whatsoever to a Trojan horse of globalisation; on the contrary, it is a direct response to globalisation. This response is completed by the natural and logical outcome of the internal market - the single currency. The euro is a success, even if it is not always recognised as such. The euro has protected us every single day since 1 January 1999 and even earlier, as we were already preparing ourselves for the single currency.

In the 1980s and early 1990, how many times did the ministers of finance have to come together in emergency to Brussels to deal with monetary messes caused by crises that had nothing European about them? How many economic setbacks were caused by monetary imbalances between nations that were one another’s main commercial partners? And since then? Despite the south-east Asian, Russian or Latin American financial crises, the Kosovo war, the 11 September attack, the war in Iraq or the rejection by French and Dutch voters of the treaty establishing a constitution for Europe, the stability brought by the euro has never wavered. The euro has protected us and continues to do so.

But the single currency can do better than this. The collective management of the euro, the political arm of the economic and monetary union, can be improved. We need to become more aware of the fact that we carry a joint responsibility for the budgetary and economic policy underpinning our currency. We must assume our responsibilities regarding the demands placed on us from outside. Demands that are a reflection of common sense and a desire to see the euro represented in a more coherent manner on the world stage.

Despite not being foreseen in the Treaty of Rome, issues relating to justice and internal affairs constitute another essential ingredient of the single market. They involve the most elementary rights of Europeans: freedom, security and justice, the heart of citizens’ Europe.

Despite the relative infancy of its competences, the EU has achieved significant progress in justice and internal affairs. Recently, however, we have witnessed a flagging in Europe’s judicial ambition. Compromises are becoming more and more difficult to achieve, alternative, optional provisions and opt-out clauses are becoming more and more frequent.

We have no option but to recognise that we have lost our way. We are advancing with cautious steps and implementing isolated measures. The objective of a judiciary Europe remains shrouded in mist. And yet, only such a global vision, only the sharing of a common objective to be set for 2020 will enable us to advance to where our fellow citizens stand ready and waiting.

To succeed, we have to agree on the basics. The principle of mutual recognition must steer the European approach in this matter. We must also go beyond the requirement of unanimity voting of the Council of Ministers. The treaties provide this bridge. It is up to us to seize the opportunity.

The call for Europe is proving to be equally strong in matters of external policy. There is a pressing demand for more Europe, a greater presence of Europe, both worldwide and closer to home. Consider the western Balkans or the Middle East, where we have acted with determination and success. Consider Africa, that ill-fated continent with no ally other than Europe. Everywhere we are being asked to strengthen our presence, to wield greater influence, to assume more responsibilities.

The European project is not just a project for Europe alone. We must propagate its values beyond Europe to reach those that suffer misfortunes, so that they can benefit from the advantages that we have been able to accumulate in Europe. The EU and its member states are the main financial backers of development co-operation. Efforts must be stepped up. We are resolutely pursuing our 2015 objective of 0.7% of gross national income for development assistance, though it is regrettable that the ‘G 0.7’, as I like to call it, boasts a mere five members. Europe’s big project for the first half of this century must be the eradication of poverty on our planet, otherwise Europe will have failed to fulfil its duty.

The call for Europe has not lost any of its acuity in 50 years. Europe could not have avoided, however, the crisis it is currently facing. I refuse to accept the attempts at appeasement, claiming that the failed referenda were a minor hiccup. The crisis is real and deep. The referenda did no more than reveal its existence. Its roots run much deeper.

The Treaty of Rome was drawn up with its authors confident that their European ideas would be greeted positively - not necessarily unanimously, but with a certain enthusiasm nevertheless.

If today we are in crisis, it is because we are no longer able to bridge the gap between those who believe we need more Europe and those who believe we already have too much Europe. Hence the crisis of confidence between the governed and the governing, each expecting direction from the other and both proving incapable of providing it.

The finger needs to be pointed primarily at ourselves. Too often, national governments have misused European policy for their own domestic policy purposes. Europe has been portrayed as a competition, a battle in which one is either the winner or the loser. At the same time, we have stopped explaining Europe. We have failed to remember that precisely the one thing Europe is not, is an arena of confrontation for national interests. The EU must be the setting in which European common interest comes first - a notion we would be wrong to confuse with the sum of or the compromise between national interests. Only if we succeed in convincing a large majority of Europeans that the added value created by Europe has real implications for its citizens, will we be able to overcome the current crisis.

I do not want to see us reverting to the statement of Blaise Pascal, who believed that chance ruled the world. It is our projects and visions, and the decisions based on these projects and visions, that must once again rule our world, in order for us to achieve our goals, to bring to fruition what the founding fathers of Europe believed in and what I will always continue to believe in. I recognise, however, that we must summon the patience and determination required for lengthy journeys, long hauls and great ambitions.

"The European Economic Community will live and succeed only if, during its entire existence, it remains loyal to the spirit of European solidarity that enabled its conception, and only if the collective will of a Europe in gestation proves to be stronger than the will of the individual nations." This statement made by Joseph Bech 50 years ago has not lost its relevance. "For my part," he added, "I am confident this will be the case." Despite moments of doubt, I can only echo this statement.

• Jean-Claude Juncker is the prime minister and finance minister of Luxembourg, and chairman of the Eurogroup.

"Today is the first day in their history that the people of Europe freely join together in such a vast enterprise to conquer progress and prosperity, by substituting economic rivalry and antagonism with an organisation founded on common interest," declared Joseph Bech, Luxembourg minister of foreign affairs, at the signing of the treaty establishing the European Economic Community (EEC) on 25 March 1957.

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