| Author (Person) | de Borja Lasheras, Francisco |
|---|---|
| Publisher | European Council on Foreign Relations (ECFR) |
| Series Title | Commentary |
| Series Details | 22.09.17 |
| Publication Date | 22/09/2017 |
| Content Type | Journal | Series | Blog, News |
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Background The Catalan President, Carles Puigdemont, called on the 9 December 2016 all members of the National Alliance for the Right to Self-Determination to a summit on the 23rd of December 2016. The aim of the meeting was to find political and social consensus around the organisation of a further referendum on independence to be planned to be held in September 2017. It was announced by the Catalan President, Carles Puigdemont on the 9 June 2017 that a Catalan independence referendum would be held on 1 October 2017. Citizens would be asked: 'Do you want Catalonia to be an independent country in the form of a Republic?' The President said that the Spanish government's refusal to negotiate on the issue of a vote on independence for Catalonia justified organising it under the authority of the Catalan Parliament. The Spanish government said that a Catalan independence referendum would be illegal because it was unconstitutional, and that it would file charges if any actions were undertaken to organise it. Throughout September 2017, the Catalan Government and pro-independence supporters pressed ahead with plans to hold the independence referendum on 1 October 2017, while the central government in Madrid worked to prevent the vote. The police blocked the regional government's website on the referendum on the 12 September 2017 and the public prosecutors summoned several hundred mayors who backed the referendum. Spanish news sources suggested in late September 2017 that both the governing Popular Party and the opposition Socialist Party (PSOE) were willing to suggest talks with pro-independence parties in Catalonia on evolution of the regional autonomy model as long as the referendum was called offCommentary feature. Spain faces its worst constitutional crisis since the failed 1981 coup d’état in the autumn of 2017, driven by Brexit-style populism. _______________________ He argues that the crisis was not first and foremost a standoff between Catalonia and Spain, but rather a conflict that stemmed from deep divisions within Catalonia. He wrote that even if the dispute between the two governments could be settled, it would be necessary to heal these divisions before Catalonia could move forward. ______________________ In another related related blog Catalonia’s referendum on independence: Clarity in uncertainty Karlo Basta said it was difficult to predict how events in Catalonia would play out following the planned referendum on independence on 1 October 2017. However, the events of September 2017 had nevertheless provided some answers to two key questions: how far the Catalan government was willing to go in pursuit of independence, and how far the Spanish government was prepared to go to prevent the referendum taking place. He argued that with positions firming on both sides, the best hope was that the two governments could show the leadership required to prevent any further escalation in tensions |
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| Source Link | http://www.ecfr.eu/article/commentary_three_myths_about_catalonias_independence_movement |
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| Subject Categories | Politics and International Relations |
| Countries / Regions | Spain |
